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Bloody Sunday Lives by Roger Collins
[Editor's note: The Irish freedom struggle has
its own lexicon, which unfortunately tends to exclude those not
in-the-know. Here words like "Republican" and "Unionist"
have meanings utterly different than in common usage. Readers
are advised to refer to the useful footnotes, which appear as
(x).] BOSTON (28 January)--In Northern Ireland, where the river Foyle
broadens into its estuary, Lough Foyle, stands the port city,
Derry ("Londonderry" to its British occupiers and their
local supporters).
Derry, with some 100,000 residents, is a city of narrow streets,
picturesque 17th &18th century architecture, a bustling commercial
center in the old walled city
and on 30 January 1972,
the site of an infamous massacre of civil rights marchers by the
British Army.
The origin of that massacre--dubbed perhaps for eternity "Bloody
Sunday"--lay in the 1922 British partition of Ireland and
setting up of a Protestant confessional state in six of Ulster's
nine counties.(1)
In this sectarian state (often referred
to as a "statelet"), privilege based on religion was
used to divide the working class, very much as race was (and is)
used in the United States: Catholics and Nationalists (2)
were denied access to jobs, housing, education and social benefits.
Terror, the gerrymandering of electoral districts, and a class-biased
electoral law guaranteed that pro-British candidates would win
most elections in the six county statelet. For example, in 1967
the Unionist/Protestant minority of Derry's electorate--about
35%--elected 14 out of 19 members (74%) of the city council.(3)
The Unionist majority in local government ensured that Unionists
got the majority of public jobs, that Unionists were allotted
public housing, that Unionist towns were funded for municipal
improvements
and so on.
In the mid 60's a number of young radicals, inspired by the civil
rights movement in the USA, began a parallel struggle in Northern
Ireland. Between 1966 and 1972, a series of mass marches and a
civil disobedience campaigns by the oppressed nationalist population
undermined the stability of the Protestant sectarian state.
By 1969 the local police, the local militia, and the Protestant
pogrom mobs had been chased out of the Nationalist communities.
In Derry, after a pitched battle between the police and military
on one side and Nationalist people on the other, even the British
forces were driven out of the Catholic ghettos of Bogside and
the Creggan.(4)
In this liberated area, the people set up organs of self government.
At the entrance of Bogside, on the gabled end of a row of 18th
century slum houses, was painted the slogan: "Now Entering
Free Derry." A barricade was built and Bogside became "off
limits" to the British Army; even though "Free Derry
Corner" is only a few hundred yards from Rosemount Barracks,
the main British base in Derry.
Obviously, such a situation could not be allowed to continue,
and so in August 1971 the British army began a round up of all
teenaged male Catholics. Main battle tanks were used to invade
the "No Go Zones" of Derry and Belfast. About 2500 suspects,
mostly teenaged boys, were thrown into concentration ("internment")
camps in a vain attempt to quell Nationalist resistance.
The Nationalist population responded to this repression with larger
street actions. On 30 February 1972, the Northern Ireland Civil
Rights Association called for a protest march on the old walled
city of Derry, with a rally scheduled for the "Diamond",
the park in front of the Guild Hall. The demands of the march
were for an end to imprisonment without trial, for the right to
vote, for housing and jobs.
The march was of course forbidden by the British government, and
troops were ordered to stand by.
Sunday, 30 February was a bright sunny day--unusual in Northern
Ireland--and a large crowd, perhaps 12,000, formed up on the football
field in the Creggan. Around noon, the crowd moved out, down the
hill, through the Bogside, and towards St. James' Gate in the
old city wall.
Soldiers from the 1st Parachute regiment (the "Paras")
had blocked the gate with razor wire and armored vehicles, so,
after a bit of shoving and a thrown brick or two, the crowd retreated
a few hundred yards to "Free Derry Corner," and began
a speakers rally. Fenner Brockway, a Labor Party member of the
British House of Lords, had just begun to speak when elite British
Army snipers on the wall and in an abandoned house began to fire
into the crowd.
The paratroops joined in the firing, which continued for twenty
minutes; at the end, 13 men lay dead and another few dozen were
wounded.
For a few days Ireland seethed with outrage. Mass protests took
place in every major city. The British embassy was burned by protesters
in Dublin. In the British Parliament, Bernadette Devlin, a socialist
member and civil rights leader from Derry, physically assaulted
Mauldin, the Interior Minister, as he spoke in defense of the
shootings.
Even before the dead were buried, the British propaganda machine
went into action to justify the slaughter. The dead and wounded
were branded as armed terrorists, the soldiers were said to have
come under heavy fire. The Queen decorated and praised the "heroic"
killers.
A special inquiry was set up under the chairmanship of British
judge Lord Widgery. The inquiry only took testimony from those
who supported the government's claims and quickly cleared the
soldiers of any blame. Of more than 500 potential witnesses, the
inquiry only interviewed 15
.
Within a few months, the Civil Rights campaign was swept from
the streets, the mass movement defeated. It seemed that the British
government had been able to shoot the Civil Rights movement out
of existence.
Of course there was one drawback to the smashing of the Civil
Rights campaign: peaceful protest was replaced by the armed resistance
of the Irish Republican Army (IRA), and the British army was unable
to stop the bombings.(5)
At the same time, the friends and families of the Bloody Sunday
victims didn't just accept the lies of the Widgery inquiry, they
organized and began a long fight for truth and justice.
Recently, this long struggle has begun to pay off and the cover-up
has begun to unravel. In the last two years, the suppressed testimony
of eyewitnesses, and audio and video tapes have all been brought
to light, by the publication of "Eyewitness Bloody Sunday"
by Don Mullen and through several investigative programs on BBC
TV. The 26-County government (of Southern Ireland) has completed
its own investigation, which will be released in the next few
weeks.
Last year 45,000 protesters marched down from the Cretan, to Free
Derry Corner, to demand truth and justice for the victims of Bloody
Sunday. This year, the march might well be larger still and it
now--at last--looks very much like the present British government
will be forced to re open the events of 26 years ago.
The unraveling of the cover-up takes place in the context of a
renewal of mass Nationalist street protests in Northern Ireland.
In the last two years, a series of mass mobilizations and election
victories have shifted the balance of power in Northern Ireland.
The pro-British forces, the Orange Order and the various Unionist
and Loyalist parties have been forced on the defensive. For the
first time, the pro-British parties have lost control of Belfast
City Council and the republican party, Sinn Fein is the largest
party in the city.(6)
Mass pressure has forced the British and their political allies
to enter negotiations with Sinn Fein and other Nationalist forces.
But while peace talks have opened, pro-British death squads are
carrying on a sectarian murder campaign.
Still, the Nationalists have never been in a better political
position since the 1922 partition of Ireland. The current mass
upsurge in Northern Ireland is not simply a return to the Civil
Rights days of the 1960s, when hundreds of thousands of oppressed
Nationalists fought for basic democratic rights within the United
Kingdom.
Today, hundreds of thousands of Nationalists--convinced that democratic
rights are impossible within the United Kingdom--are fighting
for a 32-county Irish Republic, for the completion of the Irish
democratic revolution that began in 1916.
Read Roger's addendum
to this aritlce.
_____________
Notes: 1) The 1922 partition divided Ireland's 32 counties
into 26 under the rule of the Irish and 6 under the rule of the
Crown. Ulster is the northeast portion of the island, one of
the centuries-old four parts, or areas, of Ireland. Had the 1922
partition included all of Ulster, there would have been too many
nationalists in the North for effective British control.
2) Nationalist: a supporter of the reunification of Ireland.
Nationalists are not necessarily Catholic; some of the most
important leaders of the Nationalist movement have been Protestant.
3) Unionist or Loyalist: a supporter of maintaining the Union
of Northern Ireland with England, i.e., the United Kingdom.
4) Creggan, Irish for a rocky hill, is the name of a large Nationalist
housing estate overlooking Derry; Creggan was developed as segregated
housing for Catholic working class families in the mid-1960's;
it consists of thousands of tiny, semi detached brick houses.
Bogside is the name of an older Nationalist housing area, much
of it 19th century row housing, located between Creggan and the
walls of Derry City.
5) Republican: a supporter of reunification by any means necessary;
the radical wing of the Nationalist movement. The IRA is the
main republican armed force; its stated goal is the reunification
of Ireland as a 32-county, democratic and socialist republic.
6) Sinn Fein ("ourselves" in Irish) is the main republican
party
a mass revolutionary nationalist party, third largest
party in Northern Ireland
Roger Collins is a veteran Irish Republican
activist and life-long Red. Collins regularly travels to Ireland,
most recently visiting the occupied North in August 1997 where
he was one of the international observers at the "Apprentice
Boys" march (an annual triumphalist, and often violent, parade
by Loyalists through the Catholic neighborhoods). Collins claims
residence in the Boston area..
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