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U.S. War Crimes in Korea Exposed
War crimes by the United States committed againsty Korean civilians have come
to light in the past several months. The first of these exposes was released
by The Associated Press on 30 September 1999.
It's the story of wholesale murder of Korean civilians by U.S. Armed Forces at
No Gun Ri-- a slaughter that took place over a period of three days (and was preceded
by Air Force strafing of the same group of primarily elderly, female, and child
refugees).
"On summer nights when the breeze is blowing, I can still hear their cries, the
little kids screaming," one GI who was there told reporters.
Although the story did achieve wide circulation, what's most striking is
the decades that it did not appear -- despite numerous public efforts by survivors
to achieve redress. While today's individual AP reporters deserve the fullest
commendation for their long months of effort to carefully document the massacre,
one can only ask -- where was the press for the last 45 years??
In fact No Gun Ri was not some an unimaginable anomaly. "American commanders...
ordered units retreating through South Korea to shoot civilians," AP reporters'
examination of previously-classified U.S. military documents revealed. U.S. forces
ultimately killed some three million Korean civilians, and another 500,000 of their
brothers and sisters in uniform.
Truth is the Korean War (an unallowable name at the time --Big Brother
demanded it be called "a police action") was entirely a war against civilians.
Korean workers and peasants had risen against their fascist Japanese occupiers in
a vast Resistance army which, once the invader was defeated, went on to institute
a sweeping democratic revolution, calling for redistributing land from the feudal/fascist
land barons to the actual workers of the land, and nationalizing big business trusts
tied to both the feudalists and the fascist Japanese.
But Stalin granted Washington control of half of Korea. The U.S. quickly seized
control of its (southern) section and installed a dictatorship by the hated American
stooge, Syngman Rhee, a reactionary distinguished only by living comfortably in the
U.S. while the Korean people battled the Japanese.
Then came the "North Korean invasion" of the supposedly sovereign nation of "South
Korea" (though Investigative journalists such as [at the time] I.F. Stone and [today]
William Blum have provided some evidence that attacks actually originated from the south).
However intrepid the AP reporters who exposed the No Gun Ri massacre, they buy into
the old story of "North Korea" invading "South Korea," which--no matter who drew first
blood--was no more a foreign aggressive act than the 1860 American refusal to allow
southern slave-holders to secede and establish a new nation based on slavery.
Korea was one nation and could not invade itself, any more than Freedom Riders could be
pilloried for "invading" Mississippi during the U.S. Civil Rights Movement.
Although the AP reporters write within the framework of U.S. imperialism and its
lies --though they couldn't expose the No Gun Ri massacre in the bourgeois press
if they didn't--their work is an important addition to the chronicles of the manifold
war crimes of American imperialism.
But there's a different America, that of workers and farmers, one where GI's
refused orders to fire at No Gun Ri, or sometimes used their weapons against murderous
U.S. officiers in VietNam . . . one where hundreds of thousands took to the streets to
protest imperialist war.
Still, ""on summer nights when the breeze is blowing ... [you] can hear their cries,
the little kids screaming...."
Steve Eckardt
War's hidden chapter: Ex-GIs tell of killing Korean refugees
It was a story no one wanted to hear: Early in the Korean War, villagers
said, American soldiers machine-gunned hundreds of helpless civilians under
a railroad bridge in the South Korean countryside.
When the families spoke out, seeking redress, they met only rejection and
denial, from the U.S. military and their own government in Seoul. Now a doze
n ex-GIs have spoken, too, and support their story with haunting memories from
a "forgotten" war.
These American veterans of the Korean War say that in late July 1950, in the
conflict's first desperate weeks, U.S. troops - young, green and scared -
killed a large number of South Korean refugees, many of them women and
children, trapped beneath a bridge at a hamlet called No Gun Ri.
In interviews with The Associated Press, ex-GIs speak of 100, 200 or simply
hundreds dead. The Koreans, whose claim for compensation was rejected last
year, say 300 were shot to death at the bridge and 100 died in a preceding
air attack.
American soldiers, in their third day at the warfront, feared North Korean=20
infiltrators among the fleeing South Korean peasants, veterans said. "It was
assumed there were enemy in these people," ex-rifleman Herman Patterson told
The AP.
Amevrican commanders had ordered units retreating through South Korea to shoot
civilians as a defense against disguised enemy soldiers, according to
once-classified documents found by the AP in months of researching U.S.
military archives and interviewing veterans across the United States.
Six veterans of the 1st Cavalry Division said they fired on the refugee
throng at No Gun Ri, and six others said they witnessed the shootings. More
said they knew or heard about it.
"We just annihilated them," said ex-machine gunner Norman Tinkler of Glasco,
Kan.
After five decades, none gave a complete, detailed account. But ex-GIs agreed
on such elements as time and place, and on the preponderance of women,
children and old men among the victims. They also disagreed: Some said they
were fired on from beneath the bridge, but others said they don't remember
hostile fire. One said they later found a few disguised North Korean soldiers
among the dead. But others disputed this.
Some soldiers refused to shoot what one described as "civilians just trying
to hide."
The 30 Korean claimants - survivors and victims' relatives - said it was an
unprovoked, three-day carnage. "The American soldiers played with our lives
like boys playing with flies," said Chun Choon-ja, a 12-year-old girl at the
time.
In the end, the Koreans have said in a series of petitions, some 300 refugees
lay dead under the bridge's twin arches. About 100 others were killed in a
preceding attack by U.S. Air Force planes, they say.
That would make No Gun Ri one of only two known cases of large-scale killings
of noncombatants by U.S. ground troops in this century's major wars, military
law experts note. The other was Vietnam's My Lai massacre, in 1968, in which
more than 500 Vietnamese may have died.
From the start of the 1950-53 conflict, North Korean atrocities were widely
reported - killing of civilians and summary executions of prisoners. But the
story of No Gun Ri has remained undisclosed for a half-century, despite
sketchy news reports in 1950 implying U.S. troops may have fired on refugees.
No Gun Ri's dead were not alone. Veterans told the AP of two smaller but
similar refugee killings in July and August 1950. They also told of refusing
orders to fire on civilians in other cases.
Hundreds more South Koreans were killed on Aug. 3, 1950, when retreating U.S.
commanders blew up two bridges as refugees streamed across, according to
ex-GIs, Korean eyewitnesses and declassified documents.
The Americans wanted to deny the crossings to the enemy, reported massing
more than 15 miles away. But the general overseeing one bridge-blowing, the
1st Cavalry Division commander, had sought to stop the refugee flow as well.
He told a correspondent he was sure most refugees were North Korean
guerrillas.
For decades in U.S.-allied South Korea, the No Gun Ri claimants were
discouraged from speaking out. After they filed for compensation in 1997,
their claim was rejected by the South Korean government on a technicality.
The U.S. military has said repeatedly it found no basis in the historical
record for the allegations. The AP archival research also found no official
Army account of the events.
After the AP report was released Wednesday, chief Pentagon spokesman Kenneth
Bacon said, "If there's compelling new evidence to look at, obviously it
would be important to make sure we've left no stone unturned in getting to
the bottom of it."
Bacon commented while traveling with Defense Secretary William Cohen on a
visit to Indonesia.
Some elements of the No Gun Ri episode are unclear: What chain of officers
gave open-fire orders? Did GIs see gunfire from the refugees or their own
ricochets? How many soldiers refused to fire? How high in the ranks did
knowledge of the events extend?
The Korean conflict, which ended in stalemate, began on June 25, 1950, when
the communist North invaded and sent the South Korean army and a small U.S.
force reeling southward toward the peninsula' s tip.
American units were rushed from Japan to stop the North Koreans. The 1st
Cavalry Division - poorly equipped and ill-trained - went in with little
understanding of Korea. Half its sergeants had been transferred to other divisions.
Teen-age riflemen and young officers with no combat experience were
thrust overnight into a hellish war, told to expect guerrilla fighting and be
wary of the tens of thousands of South Korean civilians pouring south with
retreating Americans.
The untested 7th Cavalry Regiment, part of the 1st Cavalry Division, reached
the front July 24. Within a day many of its 2nd Battalion infantrymen were
scattering in panic, tossing away weapons, at word of an enemy breakthrough
nearby.
Records show that on the third day, July 26, the battalion's 660 men were
regrouped and dug in at No Gun Ri, a hamlet 100 miles southeast of Seoul,
South Korea's capital. Word was circulating that northern soldiers disguised
in white peasant garb might try to penetrate U.S. lines via refugee groups.
The refugees who approached the 2nd Battalion's lines on July 26 were South
Koreans rousted from two nearby villages by American soldiers, who warned
them the North Koreans were coming, Korean claimants told the AP.
Declassified records show that 1st Cavalry Division soldiers did move through
that village area the previous three days.
As the refugees neared No Gun Ri, leading ox carts, some with children on
their backs, American soldiers ordered them off the southbound dirt road and
onto a parallel railroad track, the South Koreans said. Ex-sergeant George
Preece remembered the way was being cleared for U.S. Army vehicles.
What then happened under the concrete bridge cannot be reconstructed in full
detail five decades later. Some ex-GIs poured out chilling memories of the
scene, but others offered only fragments, or abruptly ended their interviews.
Over the three days, no one saw everything: Koreans were cowering under
fire, and Americans were dug into positions over hundreds of yards of hilly
terrain.
But old soldiers in their late 60s or 70s identified the No Gun Ri bridge
from photographs, remembered the approximate dates, and corroborated the core
of the Koreans' account: that American troops kept the refugees pinned
under the bridge in late July 1950, and killed almost all of them.
"It was just wholesale slaughter," Patterson told the AP in an interview at
his Greer, S.C., home.
Both Koreans and several ex-GIs said the killing began when American planes
suddenly swooped in and strafed an area where the white-clad refugees were
resting.
Bodies fell everywhere, and terrified parents dragged children into a narrow
culvert beneath the tracks, the Koreans told the AP.
Declassified U.S. Air Force mission reports from mid-1950 show that pilots
sometimes attacked "people in white," apparently because of suspicions
North Korean soldiers were disguised among them. The report for one mission of four
F-80 jets, for example, said the airborne controller" said to fire on people in white clothes. Were about 50 in group."
Forward controllers in light planes directed pilots to such unplanned targets
in mid-flight. The Korean claimants say a light plane circled their area
immediately before the strafing.
The strafing may have been a mistake. Ex-GIs said a company commander had
called for an airstrike, but against enemy artillery miles up the road.
Veteran Delos Flint remembers being caught with other soldiers in the
strafing and piling into a culvert with refugees. Then "somebody, maybe our
guys, was shooting in at us,=94 he said. He and his comrades eventually slipped out.
Retired Col. Robert M. Carroll, then a 25-year-old first lieutenant,
remembers battalion riflemen opening fire on the refugees from their foxholes.
"This is right after we get orders that nobody comes through, civilian,
military, nobody," said Carroll, now living in Lansdowne, Va.
That morning, the U.S. 8th Army had radioed orders throughout the Korean
front that began, "No repeat no refugees will be permitted to cross battle
lines at any time," according to declassified documents located at the
National Archives in Washington.
Two days earlier, 1st Cavalry Division headquarters issued a more explicit
order: "No refugees to cross the front line. Fire everyone trying to cross
lines. Use discretion in case of women and children."
In the neighboring 25th Infantry Division, the commander, Maj. Gen. William
B. Kean, told his troops that since South Koreans were to have been evacuated
from the battle zone, =93all civilians seen in this area are to be considered
as enemy and action taken accordingly.=94 His staff relayed this as "considered
as unfriendly and shot."
Military experts in the law of war told the AP they had never heard of such
blanket kill orders in the U.S. military.
"An order to fire on civilians is patently an illegal order," said retired
Col. Scott Silliman of Duke University, an Air Force lawyer for 25 years.
Carroll said he "wasn't convinced this was enemy," and he got the rifle
companies to cease firing on the refugees. The lieutenant then shepherded a
boy to safety under a double-arched concrete railroad bridge nearby, where
shaken and wounded Koreans were gathered. He said he saw no threat.
"There weren't any North Koreans in there the first day, I'll tell you that.
It was mainly women and kids and old men,=94 recalled Carroll, who said he then
left the area and knows nothing about what followed.
The Americans directed the refugees into the bridge underpasses - each 80
feet long, 23 feet wide, 30 feet high - and after dark opened fire on them
from nearby machine-gun positions, the Koreans said.
Veterans said Capt. Melbourne C. Chandler, after speaking with superior
officers by radio, had ordered machine-gunners from his heavy- weapons
company to set up near the tunnel mouths and open fire.
"Chandler said, `The hell with all those people. Let's get rid of all of
them," said Eugene Hesselman of Fort Mitchell, Ky.
"We didn't know if they were North or South Koreans. ... We were there only a
couple of days and we didn't know them from a load of coal."
Ex-GIs believe the order was cleared at battalion headquarters, a half-mile
to the rear, or at a higher level. Chandler and other key officers are now
dead, but the AP was able to locate the colonel who commanded the battalion,
Herbert B. Heyer, 88.
Heyer, of Sandy Springs, Ga., denied knowing anything about the shootings and
said, "I know I didn't give such an order." Veterans said the colonel
apparently was leaving battalion operations to subordinates at the time.
The bursts of gunfire killed those near the tunnel entrances first, the
Korean claimants said.
"People pulled dead bodies around them for protection," said Chung Koo-ho,
61. "Mothers wrapped their children with blankets and hugged them with their
backs toward the entrances. ... My mother died on the second day of shooting."
Recalled machine-gunner Edward L. Daily: "Some may have been trying to
crawl deeper for protection. When you see something like that and you're
frightened, you start to claw."
During three nights under fire, some trapped refugees managed to slip away,
but others were shot as they tried to escape or crawled out to find clean
water to drink, the Koreans said.
Veterans disagreed on whether gunfire came from the underpasses.
Some, like ex-sergeant James T. Kerns of Piedmont, S.C., said the Americans
were answering fire from among the refugees. Hesselman said, "Every now and
then you'd hear a shot, like a rifle shot." But others recalled only heavy
barrages of American firepower, not hostile fire. =93I don't remember shooting
coming out," said ex-rifleman Louis Allen of Bristol, Tenn.
The Koreans said the Americans may have been seeing their own comrades' fire,
ricocheting through from the tunnels' opposite ends. That's possible, said
Preece.
"It could actually have happened, that they were seeing our own fire. ...We
were scared to death," said Preece, a career soldier who later fought in
Vietnam.
On July 28, the 7th Cavalry was told to prepare to pull back again early the
next morning. The final barrage still echoes in the memories of old soldiers.
"On summer nights when the breeze is blowing, I can still hear their cries,
the little kids screaming," said Daily, of Clarksville, Tenn., who went onto
earn a battlefield commission in Korea.
Sounds of slaughter haunt Park Hee-sook's memory, too.
"I can still hear the moans of women dying in a pool of blood," said Park,
then a girl of 16. "Children cried and clung to their dead mothers."
Not everyone fired, veterans said.
"Some of us did and some of us didn't,=94 said Flint, of Clio, Mich., the
soldier who had been briefly caught in the culvert with the refugees. "...I
wouldn't fire at anybody in the tunnel like that. It was civilians just
trying to hide."
Kerns, a machine gunner, said he fired over the refugees' heads. "I would not
fire into a bunch of women."
Once the fury subsided, Kerns said, he, Preece and another GI found at least
seven dead North Korean soldiers in the underpasses, wearing uniforms under
peasant white.
But Preece, of Dunville, Ky., said he doesn't remember making such a search
or even hearing that North Koreans were found. None of the other veterans,
when asked, remembered seeing North Koreans.
Kerns also said weapons were recovered. Hesselman said someone later
displayed a submachine gun. Preece recalled only "hearsay" about weapons.
All 24 South Korean survivors interviewed individually by the AP said they
remembered no North Koreans or gunfire directed at the Americans.
American military intelligence reports from those days, since declassified,
place the North Korean front line four miles from No Gun Ri on July 26, when
the refugees entered the underpasses.
Early on July 29, the 7th Cavalry pulled back. North Korean troops who moved
in found "about 400 bodies of old and young people and children," the North
Korean newspaper Cho Sun In Min Bo reported three weeks later.
Some ex-GIs today estimate 100 or fewer were killed. But those close to the
bridge, from Chandler's H Company, generally put the total at about 200. "A
lot" also were killed in the strafing, they say.
The North Koreans buried some dead in unknown locations and surviving
relatives buried others, the villagers said. Because families then scattered
across South Korea, the claimants said, they have the names of only 120 dead,
primarily their own relatives.
The war, in all, claimed an estimated 1 million South Korean civilian
casualties - killed, wounded or missing. Almost 37,000 Americans died.
At 1st Cavalry headquarters, division commander Maj. Gen. Hobart R. Gay was
told South Korean refugees were killed by North Korean troops in a cross fire
at No Gun Ri, the division information officer recalled. "I think that's what
he believed," said Harold D. Steward, an ex-colonel from San Diego.
Relevant unit documents say nothing about a cross fire, about North Korean
soldiers killed under a bridge, or anything else about No Gun Ri.
One battalion lieutenant located by the AP said he was in the area but knew
nothing about the killing of civilians. =93I have honestly never, ever heard of
this from either my soldiers or superiors or my friends,=94 said John C.
Lippincott of Stone Mountain, Ga. He said he could have missed it because
"we were extremely spread out."
The villagers say they tried to file a compensation claim with a U.S. claims
office in Seoul in 1960, but were told they missed a deadline. Later, they
say, Korean police warned one man, survivor Yang Hae-chan, to keep quiet
about the 1950 events. But as authoritarian South Korea liberalized in the
1990s, they revived their case and sent petitions to Washington. None was
acknowledged, they say.
In August 1997, a claim signed by 30 petitioners was filed with South Korea's
Government Compensation Committee. Having researched histories, they pointed
a finger at the 1st Cavalry.
In response, the U.S. Armed Forces Claims Service said there was "no evidence
... to show that the U.S. 1st Cavalry Division was in the area." A lower-level
South Korean compensation committee said people were killed at No
Gun Ri but it had no proof of U.S. involvement. In April 1998, the national
panel rejected the case, saying a five-year statute of limitations expired
long ago.
The AP subsequently reconstructed unit movements from map coordinates in
declassified war records. They showed that four 1st Cavalry Division
battalions were in the area at the time of the alleged incident.
Months of tracing veterans - some 130 interviews by telephone and in person-
then pinpointed the companies involved. The AP also pored through hundreds of
boxes of once-secret documents at the National Archives and other
repositories to find pieces of the story.
The laws and customs of war condemn indiscriminate killing of civilians, even
if a few enemy soldiers are among a large number of noncombatants killed,
military experts note. The Korean War record shows Army courts-martial only
for individual murders of Koreans, nothing on a large scale.
As for civil liability, the U.S. government is largely protected by U.S. law
against foreign claims related to =93combatant activities.' ' The Korean
claimants say the killings were not combat-related - the enemy was miles away.
"We want the truth, justice and due respect for our human rights, "they
wrote in a 1997 petition to President Clinton.
One ex-GI objects that "a bunch of lawyers" can't run a war.
"War is not just," said Norman Tinkler. =93There's things that goes on that we
can't comprehend, but it has to be done. And it's the individual that has to
make the decision."
But others who were there said No Gun Ri didn't have to happen. The refugees
could have been screened up on the road or checked out under the bridge,
Kerns and Hesselman said.
"The command looked at it as getting rid of the problem in the easiest way.
That was to shoot them in a group," said Daily. Today, he said, "we all share
a guilt feeling, something that remains with everyone."
The late Col. Gilmon A. Huff, who took over the 2nd Battalion from Heyer
three days after the pullback from No Gun Ri, was interviewed before his
death earlier this year and said he knew nothing of what happened at the
bridge.
But he "heard" about refugee killings and told his men it was wrong, Huff
recalled at his Abbeville, S.C., home.
"You can't kill people just for being there," he told the AP.
The bridge at No Gun Ri still stands today. For 49 years its concrete was
deeply scarred by bullets - until railroad workers this month patched over
the holes.
_____________
AP Investigative Researcher Randy Herschaft contributed to this report.
September 30, 1999 04: 59 AM EST
Copyright 1998 Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not
be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.
_____________
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