Introduction

"We are socialists, enemies, deadly enemies of the present capitalist economic system with its exploitation of the economically weak, with its injustice in wages, with its immoral evaluation of people according to wealth and money instead of responsibility and achievement and we are determined to destroy this system!"

At first glance many may believe that the above words could have been written by Karl Marx or a modern-day prominent socialist. In fact they are the words of the anti-Semite Gregor Strasser, written in 1926. After Hitler, Strasser was (up until 1933) the most influential figure in Hitler's Nazi party, the NSDAP. His use of anti-capitalist rhetoric did not prevent him from maintaining a thriving relationship with industrial magnates.

The Russian Communist Workers Party, (Rossiskaya Kommunisticheskaya Rabochaya Partiya -RKRP) led by Viktor T'yulkin is a reactionary right-wing party, not a left party. For all its left rhetoric, it bases itself on Great Russian chauvinism and anti-Semitism, not class struggle. There are many aspects of the reactionary nature of this party that need to be illuminated. Their hatred of gay people, their connections with right-wing Slavic racist organisations who incite hatred against Islamic peoples of the ex-USSR, and their own covert relationship with big business - each of these deserves a study in its own right. Here I will undertake a short case study of just one aspect of their reactionary ideology - their anti-Semitism.

Before going any further, we should note that the RKRP are admirers of the murderous dictator Stalin, almost to the point of worship. Those who believe in the traditional Cold War propaganda of both the US and the USSR, which characterised the tyrannical Stalin as the man who fulfilled the communist dream of Marx and Lenin, may find it hard to grasp that a party that adores Stalin can simultaneously be pro-capitalist. They should perhaps take heed in this context of the views of Malyarov, top Komsomol leader, who has openly embraced the market and who sees no contradiction in his admiration for both Stalin and Putin at the same time. Perhaps it is no accident that Malyarov was one of the founding members of the RKRP'S popular movement Trudovaya Rossiya.

The significance of the RKRP

The RKRP is tiny, its last election score minuscule, at one per-cent, its own supporters admit it has no significant membership except in very few places. Why then, should we care about it at all, and how could it pose a danger to anyone?

The answer lies in the skilful way in which they have woven themselves into the militant workers movement, their dominance of key positions there, combined with the vicious reactionary content of their ideology, even though this is disguised under a mantle of apparently passionate anti-capitalist rhetoric.

Estimates of the size of the RKRP in recent years vary. What is certain, however, is that their forces have seriously declined in the last few years. So, while they were able to rally tens of thousands at the beginning of the nineties, by the late nineties, they were down to just 6000 (1) , and by summer last year reliable estimates put them at well below 2,000 members (2), in a country of over 150 million.

Yet despite their tiny size, they appear as if by magic almost every time an important workplace struggle breaks out. They often get their members elected in the local trade union committees or workplace councils, and then encourage the workers to vote for their party candidates in elections. Through their weekly paper, Trudovaya Rossiya, and their local and other publications, they are able to effect a penetration of the workers' movement with which other organisations of smaller financial means cannot compete. Their papers and leaflets are often the only alternative press readily available to militant workers. This does mean they have the ability to communicate with the most militant layer of the working class in a way that no other militant left organisations can.

One of the co-chairmen of the most active militant union, Zaschita, is a member of the Central Committee of the RKRP (3). This union has been at the centre of the overwhelming majority of militant actions and strikes in recent years. The RKRP also encourages its members to get involved in other unions such as Sotsprof and the FNPR.

In the year 2000, the calendar of militancy has been marked most of all by the fight against the draconian new Labour Code which the government has been trying to force through since it was first conceived under Primakov. The new Code institutes the 56-hour week, arbitrary firing at the whim of the employer, and in general emasculates the unions. To its credit, the anti-Labour Code campaign, combined with the weakness and divisions within the ruling class, has successfully delayed the introduction of this union-busting legislation by organising mass demonstrations of workers. The campaign itself was initiated by a core of activists, most of whom oppose racism and bigotry. But sadly, the RKRP have managed to make their presence felt strongly in their campaign too, and were the largest organised party to command influence in it.

At the end of 1999, the Russian labour movement was inspired by the courage of the workers of Vyborg Paper and Pulp Mill, who faced up to repeated incursions from armed official and private militias who came to break up their occupation, even shooting at workers. The RKRP rapidly moved to steer workers into support for their election bloc in the Duma (parliamentary) elections, enlisting the support of other RKRP-led or influenced unions in the Leningrad region in this goal. The move was disguised as a mobilising of brotherly support from other workplaces. The dispute ended after a leading union representative organised a treacherous surrender. He had been a candidate on the RKRP list (4). Yet, according at least to the RKRP, at the very meeting in which he was officially thrown out of his role as representative, and replaced by someone else, the Vyborg workers moved a resolution of thanks to the party for its "support." (5)

The relation of the RKRP to the country's largest "left" party, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) needs to be examined. Millions of workers have been taken in by the rhetoric of KPRF leader Zyuganov, who like the RKRP, fumes against the oligarchy and promises to fight for justice for working people. However, millions of workers have also shown (even allowing for the corrupt election counting techniques of Putin), that they do not support the KPRF, at least not strongly enough to want to vote for them. And with good reason. The KPRF has demonstrated its commitment to the market, approving every government budget and even entering the government itself during the terms of premiers Kirienko and Primakov, (under the latter the draconian plans for a new Labour Code were first drawn up). Further, many people have experienced the true nature of the KPRF at the local and regional levels, where for example KPRF governors have sent in armed riot police to physically crush workers struggles, as in Yasnogorsk and the Kusbass.

The RKRP, by contrast, exposes truthfully the relation of the KPRF to capital (though never that of their own leadership!), points out KPRF hypocrisy, highlights their treacherous actions during strikes. As such, they reach militant workers who have become disillusioned with the dishonesty of the Zyuganov, and are searching for a political party which genuinely fights the tyranny of the market. And the RKRP are expert at pretending to be just that.

The Red-Brown Phenomenon

For many years now since the fall of the Soviet Union it has been normal to read in the mainstream American and European press about the "red-brown" opposition to the democrats in Russia. Even leaving aside the fact that so many of the so-called "democrats" themselves are deeply authoritarian, it is understandable that, as socialists, we should be suspicious about capitalists describing left movements as mixed with Nazi ideology. Nevertheless, an examination of the milieu that emerged as the main opposition to the "democrats" in the early 90's shows that the term "red-brown" is for the most part, sadly correct.

The largest and most powerful group of "oppositionists" to emerge from the ashes of the CPSU was certainly the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) led by Zyuganov. Though they project themselves, in their official propaganda, as defenders of the working class, ferociously opposed to the privatisation which has caused such widespread misery, in practice this party rapidly became converted to the politics of the market. Simultaneously they adopted Russian ultra-nationalism, with Nazi-style scapegoating of Jews as official policy (6). When the second Chechen war broke out in 1999, they tried to outdo the "strong man" Putin himself in declarations of anti-Muslim hatred and calls for blood.

That the KPRF has embraced racism and abandoned class struggle should surprise no one. Zyuganov had already demonstrated his commitment to the nationalist cause at the beginning of the 1990's, founding a number of "patriotic" fronts, including with figures such as the ultra-racist Prokhanov, today editor of Zavtra. "Slavic civilisation, represented by the Russian Empire", is for Zyuganov the progressive force - not workers fighting for socialism (7). He himself declares that his favourite book is a work by the ultra-reactionary 1920's philosopher Ivan Il'in, (which was widely understood at the time of writing as a call to kill Bolsheviks) Contacts between the KPRF and open Nazi groups have also occurred at top levels of the party (8).

But what about those "communists" who did not join the KPRF?

In autumn 1991 the RKRP was created. According to the party itself, they were formed out of those who had recognised from the beginning the need for "uncompromising struggle" against Gorbachevism. (9) But for many middle-ranking apparatchiks of the outgoing regime, this "uncompromising struggle" had nothing at all to do with a concern for the fate of ordinary working people, but solely with their own shattered hopes for political and economic power, as they realised that they personally would be cut out of both the giant carve-up of the country's assets that was about to take place, and the new elite that would administer it.

A look at some of the main personages at the foundation of the RKRP is helpful in analysing the party's origins.

A key leader of the RKRP from its birth, and leader of the mass movement Trudovaya Rossiya (Labour Russia) which it simultaneously set up, was Viktor Anpilov. Early in 1992 Anpilov, who under the old regime had made his career as a journalist and political commentator, became co-secretary of the RKRP.

In those days 10 - 30,000 people would gather at rallies of the RKRP's popular movement, Trudovaya Rossiya, in Moscow. Its 15-man executive established in 1992 included many who have remained RKRP leading members till this day, but also those who became founders or key activists of other parties - such as Vladimir Miloserdov, of the deeply anti-Semitic and ultra-nationalist Russian Party, Viktor Ilyukhin, KPRF deputy who has said that Jews are committing genocide against the Russian people, and Igor Malyarov, leader of the largest Komsomol (communist youth league) in Russia, who recently backed Putin as presidential candidate on the grounds of his "patriotism" and believes that Russia's destruction of Chechnya was "precisely what modern Russian society needs". (10), (11).

Today Anpilov is well-known even outside Russia for his hysterical anti-Semitic speeches, which are a permanent feature of his meetings and rallies. For example, at a recent conference in Moscow, he declared: 'Against the USSR works "nasty monetary international", but we shall not hide, it is the Jews who have the most part of the monetary capital. There is a world struggle of people for liberation, and the uniform communist party is necessary for this purpose.' (12)

But this aspect of his politics was also clear during his role as co-leader of the RKRP, when for example, he described Yeltsin's regime on national television as a "Jewish conspiracy." (13)

In 1997 Anpilov formed an alliance with the openly Nazi National Bolshevik Party of Limonov, then later with the grandson of Josef Stalin, the anti-Semite Dugashvilli. (14), (15).

Another well-known personage of the red-brown scene, General Albert Makashov, was among those elected to the central committee of the RKRP at its foundation (16). Makashov, who was one of the main leaders of the battle to defend the parliament from Yeltsin's troops in 1993, is notorious for his anti-Semitism. In 1998 he publicly called for the extermination of all Jews in Russia (15). He is admired by neo-Nazis around the world, including the Ku Klux Klan (David Duke has traveled to Russia more than once to discuss "co-operation" with him. (17).

Makashov's hopes to get the RKRP involved in the project to revive a mass communist party in Russia in the form of the KPRF were not realised, and in 1993 he left to join the latter, lamenting the amount of "Anpilov-worship" in the RKRP and also its "separation from the patriotic movement" (16). This may seem laughable given that Anpilov himself is one of the most notorious nationalists in Russia, but in fact what Makashov meant was the separation from the new regroupment of "patriotic" forces in the KPRF and the National Salvation Front, which were rapidly dropping all use of 'Marxist' rhetoric and referring to the struggle only in national terms. Makashov understood that these forces would become powerful as the new opposition to Yeltsin, and he wanted to be sure of the best launch pad for his own political ambitions.

T'yulkin and Anpilov, the de facto leaders of the RKRP, however, did not want to join any formation in which they could become overshadowed by other dominant and charismatic political figures. Their strategy was to continue to use old Stalinist rhetoric and nostalgic symbols of Stalin himself to build a popular movement. They stubbornly insisted that the RKRP was the "sole heir of the old Communist Party of RSFSR" (16), and maintained their party as an independent force, in which they could shine undisturbed as leaders.

Undisturbed, that is, except by each other. In a party built around admiration of the dictatorial rule of Stalin, there can never be room for more than one "Man of Steel". By the middle of the decade, the two rivals were finding it increasingly difficult to co-exist in the same party.

In 1996, Anpilov broke with party discipline, ignoring an agreement to back no candidates in the presidential election. His choice of candidate - himself. Later, he dropped his candidacy, but backed Zyuganov instead. He received an official reprimand from the party.

By the following year, Anpilov had resigned, or was booted out, according to whether you want to believe his own account or that of T'yulkin. Certainly Anpilov took some of the most racist elements with him, and as already described, proceeded to construct a party for whom anti-Semitism is not only a constant feature but also a virtual political programme. Anpilov has also recently created a "youth league," which conducts military training exercises.

With Anpilov gone, did the party abandon racism for a more traditionally Marxist analysis, based on class?

The answer is no, as we shall see in the next section.

The RKRP after Anpilov

In the explanation of Anpilov's departure given on the party's official website, there is not a word about racism. Instead, his expulsion in 1996 is described as necessary because he "had denied the leading role of the communist party and scientific Marxism and instead emphasised the vanguard role of non-party masses and organisations outside the party and called for popular struggle to be limited to primitive forms" A further explanation is that his group had "openly set upon the path of counteracting party decisions." (9)

The exit of Anpilov from the RKRP meant that the movement Trudovaya Rossiya which he had led had to split too. So today there are two movements using that name, though only Anpilov's is officially registered with the authorities. The chief newspaper of the RKRP today is also called Trudovaya Rossiya, and describes itself as the organ of the "RKRP, the Council of Workers and of the movement Trudovaya Rossiya."

Of course this last signifies the Trudovaya Rossiya founded after the split by the then RKRP deputy Grigoriev, and not that of Anpilov. Nevertheless the paper considers itself the direct continuation of the Trudovaya Rossiya paper that existed all through the Anpilov years, and recently celebrated its anniversary glorying in its long history. (18)

On their website the RKRP boast proudly of the great "theoretical, practical and propaganda value" of a conference they organised in Leningrad in November 1997. At this conference, they managed to get dozens of "communist parties" from several countries to sign a declaration that embodied, according to the RKRP, the "lessons of 80 years since the Great October socialist revolution". But what were these lessons encapsulated in this declaration?

After a long glorification of the old Soviet system, in particular under the reign of Stalin, the document gets to the core of the problems to be tackled. Under the subheading of "To purge in view of consolidating the communist movement", we read: "Financial oligarchy, transnational companies, whose assault troops are American imperialism and international Zionism, under the banners of deceit and "World Democracy" exert increasing pressure in order to impose a world order, striving to halt the objective historical process and to impose industrial slavery on humanity, based on unfair international division of labour and a system of indebtment. Their ideology is neo-liberalism as well as the social-democratic theories of social partnership, civil peace and the liquidation of all revolutionary potential. This ideology is further developed through the revisionist and opportunist ideas spread by the bourgeoisie and acting as sources of infection amongst the communist international movement. And when these tactics fail, the military machines of the United States and NATO set forth" (19).

So here it is in a nutshell- the main cause of world suffering , alongside American imperialism, is "international Zionism."

It is important to realise that although some of the signatories are from Arab countries, this document is in no way a document about the Middle East. It is a general document contrasting a glorified and sanitised version of life in the USSR under Stalin with the world misery caused by capitalism. There is no mention of the giants of European capital, nor of Japan. The world financial oligarchy, according to the RKRP, operates basically through "American imperialism and international Zionism."

The phrase "international Zionism" has nothing to do with traditional left critiques of Zionism, or indeed with Zionism at all. It is a code-word for Jews. The phrase, and indeed sometimes even the words "Zionism," "Zion," "Zionisation" etc. on their own, is used by thousands of anti-Semitic organisations today (from openly-fascist parties like the RNE to Cossack nationalist movements, from the RKRP and the KPRF, to west European neo-Nazis and the Ku Klux Klansman David Duke) in exactly the same way that the tsarist authors of the forged "Protocols of the Elders of the Zion" used it -- to derail class struggle, to deflect workers anger away from capitalism itself and onto a convenient scapegoat: the Jews.

The myth that there is a mighty force called "international Zionism" controlling the global economy is the same Big Lie used by Hitler to create his popular Nazi movement, and to pave the way for the eradication of all labour and trade union rights in Germany, in the service of German capitalists against British, French and American capital.

While the Hitlerian "international Jewish conspiracy" lie is common to nearly all Russian ultra-nationalist movements today, yet something else is common to most of them too.

All movements must have a practical programme to survive, even if it is a hidden one. Today's Russian nationalists, like west European capitalists, perceive clearly that the end of the Cold War has freed European big business from dependence on American military might for survival. Now the project of a united Europe poses a huge threat to American economic (and therefore ultimately military and political) hegemony. A union between Russia and continental Europe, possibly including Japan, Iran, India and certain other Asian states, is dreamed of by the ideologues of a new Russian millennium. Sometimes called "Eurasianism", this philosophy, or variants of it, can be found in the writings of Zyuganov, Dugin, and many other Russian ultra-nationalists. It appeals especially to army officers, directors of the military-industrial complex, and managers of large enterprises which are now decaying due to lack of export markets, having been effectively cut out of them by the giants of US capital. The existing regime of Vladimir Putin tries to straddle a position between co-operation with America and "Eurasianism" - an impossible contradiction that will ultimately lead to its collapse.

It is no accident, therefore, that European and Japanese capitalists are exonerated from blame in the "Leningrad declaration" drawn up by the RKRP.

The party boasts proudly of its regular contributions in Zavtra, the ultra-racist journal headed by Prokhanov. Prokhanov, an admirer of the writings of David Duke, recently met with Duke of the Ku Klux Klan at a public meeting in which the fate of the white race at the hands of Jews was lamented. (17) .Zavtra has also published an interview with Barkashov, leader of the openly-Nazi Russian National Unity, in which Prokhanov expresses much admiration for him. (20)

While not actually denying the Holocaust, the RKRP tries to minimise it, cynically contrasting it with the USSR death toll in the war, ignoring the fact that one was a planned and industrially executed genocide, while the Nazi killing of Soviet soldiers on the battlefield and POW's, however horrific, was not. So, in an article in Trudovaya Rossiya (21) we read that: "Today the global press counts Jews as the unique victims of fascism." No mention is made of all other war deaths, he charges, including "executions of the English pilots". (Strange, that a so-called anti-capitalist organisation should mourn so much for the pilots of the most powerful imperialist nation of that time, but the intention of the writer is not to fight capitalism, but to incite hatred against Jewish people).

But the RKRP is not above outright lying about the Holocaust when necessary. Referring to a controversy about the decision of right-wing Catholic nuns to site a convent at Auschwitz, the writer says: "Here in gas chambers and famine were exterminated three million citizens of the different countries. Therefore, if to follow the historical truth and if religious symbols, an orthodox cross are necessary here, David's star and a Catholic cross should stand here in one building." (21)

Considering that the overwhelming majority of the victims of Auschwitz were Jews, and only a tiny handful were followers of the Orthodox faith, this is an insulting phrase that seeks to rewrite history. Proportionally speaking, the only significant groups of Auschwitz victims who included practising Christians were the Romany and gay deportees, both communities rejected by the official Church. The Vatican condoned fascism and actively collaborated with Nazis escaping trial after the war..

The writer continues:

"It is possible to give due to the World Jewish Congress, a Zionist lobby, their political, financial and propaganda opportunities, their skill to put pressure upon the largest organisations and the whole states. So much is possible for them. In the European countries the laws providing responsibility for denying of the Holocaust are accepted. Law suits between the Swiss banks and the Jewish organisations recently were finished. Despite all indignation, 'the Zurich gnomes' are compelled to pay to them one billion 250 million dollars. They have even compelled the Vatican to recognise the responsibility for destruction of Jews. Christians too are guilty..."

The Swiss government and banking industry, and the wartime Catholic establishment, bear an enormous responsibility for collaboration with the Nazis. That a so-called "communist" party should spring to their defence against the financial and moral claims of survivors of the death camps is unbelievable, except when you understand that this party is led by people for whom "communism" is just a question of empty rhetoric, and who are anticipating a rise to power on the bandwagon of a Strasserite anti-Semitic hysteria.

Recently the RKRP published, on the front page of Trudovaya Rossiya, a long article criticising Putin and Zavtra for not being true "patriots" [sic]. In the centre of the text are two photos next to each other. The first is a picture of relatives crying as they light candles for the victims of the Kursk submarine. Next to it we see a photo of Putin standing on a platform next to two ultra-Orthodox Jews in their traditional religious gear. There is a giant Star of David hanging from the platform. The caption can be summarised as follows: Putin was not present at the 40 days anniversary vigil of the Kursk. He had much more important business than the perished sailors -- he was opening a new national Jewish community centre in Moscow sponsored by Gusinsky and other prominent Jewish businessmen. The caption then goes on to give the area in square metres of the hall, to say that the synagogue will hold seating for 2000 etc.(22)

It is impossible to mistake the message: Putin ignores the bereaved Russian families because he is controlled by Jews!

The fact that there are tens of thousands of Jews living in abject poverty across the ex-USSR, the fact that in the west Jewish charities collect second-hand clothes for them, the fact that there are non-Jewish capitalists, in Russia and outside of it, making billions out of the country's privatisation - all these are ignored.

The Bylevsky Komsomol

This organisation, named after its overage leader Pavel Bylevsky and also known as the Revolutionary Young Communist League (b) (Russian initials RKSM-b), is intimately linked to the RKRP. According to their website, "The majority of members RKSM-b are members or supporters of the Russian Communist Workers Party." (23) Claiming to be influenced by Maoism, they admire the genocidal Pol Pot as a "great leader."

The attitude of the Bylevsky Komsomol to racism and anti-Semitism can be easily be seen by a glance at the "List of Progressive resources" compiled by one of the party's webmasters. Apart from a comprehensive collection of Russian Stalinist, Maoist and Trotskyist groups, the list includes an entire section devoted to "national-patriots," listing the openly-Nazi National Bolshevik Party, the Arctogaia website of the neo-Nazi philosopher Dugin, and the racist Zavtra.

Following the public appearance of Nazis of the National-Bolshevik Party on a Leningrad demo against the anti-worker Labour code on 1 December 2000, internationalists within the anti-Labour code campaign called for the drawing-up of a statement condemning their presence. Oleg Torbasow, RKSMb central Committee member and the RKSMb journal's "secretary for ideology" spoke out publicly to defend the NBP, insisting that they should even be allowed onto the organising committee of the campaign. (24)

Conclusion

In a country where living standards are being turned back to the nineteenth century, there is no doubt that workers will rise up to fight back. Whether this fight can go forward to achieve social justice and an end to the misery created by the profit system, or whether it will be dissolve itself into a mass fascist movement --in the naïve belief that the enemy is "comprador capitalism", "the Jews" etc, rather than capitalism itself-- remains to be seen. It will depend on the ideological make-up of those that are seen to be at the forefront of the resistance, the resources they can command, [and] the international solidarity they can rely on. [T]here is no doubt that the US will respond massively to any threat of an anti-NATO political force re-emerging on the territory of the old Soviet Union, regardless of whether that force is a revolutionary left one or a fascist one.

It is extremely ominous that the largest opposition party in Russia today, the KPRF, is led by a man inspired by tsarist terrorists and anti-Semitic conspiracy theories, and that the current regime of arch-exploiters can maintain itself in power by whipping up mass hatred of Chechens or by singling out only Jewish big businessmen for interrogation.

In a country ripe for fascism, the sole hope lies in those who put class first, and fight the ideas of race or nation. 1998 onward saw the awakening of militant resistance. Sadly, here too a reactionary, anti-Semitic party (although in "Marxist" clothes) has managed to position itself - the RKRP. The party itself may never be able to complete the process it has embarked on, and convert itself into a fully-fledged fascist organisation. But as long as it is allowed to hegemonise so many of the most militant arenas of workers struggle, poisoning them with its racist, homophobic and authoritarian ideology, workers will see that there is little to distinguish between what their (RKRP) leaders are saying and what the most reactionary parties of the nationalist extreme right say.

Like the RKRP, Barkashov's unashamedly Nazi RNE also speak of the "anti-national" forces and the need to oppose these with "patriotism." They too, speak of the need for nationalisation of the land and natural resources (let us recall that Hitler also used nationalisation to consolidate the Reich and to re-allocate assets in the interests of his most important capitalist backers). The Barkashovites, too speak of their goals of "improving the way of life" of workers, of "social security of all citizens." They promise to deliver "free health service and free education." (25). All this to be achieved, of course, when the masses adopt the black shirt and swastikas of the RNE, in a mass liberation movement to drive out the Jews and the race-mixers.

Workers faced with such similarity of the propaganda of openly-fascist parties to that of the self-proclaimed workers' parties will inevitably be persuaded to put race and nation ahead of class. The way is paved for the most able fascist leader to take charge.

Certainly, there are some RKRP supporters who do not share the anti-Semitism of the party leadership, and who believe deeply in the "Marxist" rhetoric of the party. But their willingness to shut their eyes to official party anti-Semitism, to the appearance in the paper of material inciting violence against gay people, calling them a "fifth column" polluting the country's social and cultural life, (26), to the publishing of "information" on neighbouring Islamic countries and the Chechen conflict from Slavic supremacist sources -- all these things make them the willing tools of T'yulkin and his reactionary allies. T'yulkin is nothing but a more subtle Anpilov --a power-seeker who uses rhetoric about abolition of privatisation and extension of workers rights in EXACTLY the same way that, more than half a century ago, the Strasser brothers used anti-capitalist rhetoric in Germany on behalf of the NSDAP and the industrial magnates.

Hitler, we may remember, called his party the National Socialist German Workers Party, in order to appear something other than ultimate defenders of capitalism in crisis -- such is the importance of this Nazi tactic to fool workers. The RKRP is a red-brown formation that needs to be exposed.

References

1. Obninsk Komsomol, http://www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/Senate/3814/index.html
2. Verbal sources including Duma Deputy Oleg Shein, co-chair of Zaschita union
3. Trudovaya Rossiya 7/111
4. Vitaly Kiriakov stood on the RKRP's bloc No. & in the 1999 Duma elections, http://grankin.com.ru/elections/block6/block6_sp3.htm
5. Trudovaya Rossiya 1/105 (Model of Russia Vyborg TSBK Soviet)
6. Statement by KPRF Chairman Gennady Zyuganov 23 December 1998 (published on website of KPRF under the heading "Official Information")
7. Biography of Gennady Zyuganov published by Internet news site, http://www.panorama.ru
8. "KPRF na Zapasnom Puti Rossiskogo Kapitalisma" by Oleg Shein, pub. Astrakhan Organisation of OFT 1998 p. 149
9. See RKRP website: http://www-win.convey.ru/~RKRP
10. history of Trudovaya Rossiya published on website http://www.nns.ru
11. "Communists Defect as Putin Heads for Triumph Bandwagon", by Amelia Gentleman in "The Observer" (UK) 19 March 2000
12. http://www.leviy.ru/news/live_op/kommunizm/kprf/May/21.htm
13. 1997 report on anti-Semitism published on http://www.ort.org/jpr/AWRweb/Europe/russia.htm
14. "The Stalin block: Labour Russia, Officers - for the USSR" http://elections.ru:8080/duma/others/stal.html
15. "The Escalation of Anti-Semitic Violence in Russia", August 1999 published by Union of Councils for Soviet Jewry
16. http://www.panorama.ru:8101/works/vybory/party/rkrp.html
17. LA Times 6 Jan. 2001
18. Trudovaya Rossiya 100 published 1999
19. English translation of the Leningrad declaration found on website of the Parti du Travail de Belgique http://www.wpb.be/icm.htm
20. "Zavtra" 10 November 1998 Prokhanov interview with Barkashov, leader of RNE
21. Trudovaya Rossiya 2/83
22. Trudovaya Rossiya 15/119
23. Website of Bylevsky Komsomol http://komsomol.narod.ru/faq.htm#question8
24. Letter from Oleg Torbasow to internet list KZoT- STOP (list hosted by http://www.egroups.com) 30 Dec 2000
25. Documents from Russian National Unity party website http://www.rne.org including RNE programme adopted on 15 Feb 1997 and "Primary Goals"
26. Trudovaya Rossiya 14/95 article "The Fifth Column"